Tuesday, June 17, 2008

Legalization would end drug war in Mexico, world

Last year, more than 2,000 people were killed in Mexico in drug prohibition-related violence. This year, more than 200 have been killed in Tijuana alone.

But Mexico's drug-war deaths are not just rival traffickers caught by their competitors. In Nuevo Laredo in 2005, new Police Chief Alejandro Dominguez was gunned down hours after being sworn in. In January, Tijuana Deputy Police Chief Margarito Saldana Rivera, his wife and two young daughters, were killed in their home.

The proposed solution to the increased drug-war violence is more money, more soldiers and more guns. The Merida Initiative - or "Plan Mexico," as many are calling it - is a $1.4 billion "aid" package for Mexico and Central America (with the lion's share going to Mexico) with the intended purpose of bolstering Mexico's drug war.

Is there a solution to the problem of drug-cartel violence in Mexico (and the U.S.)? Absolutely. Just as the criminal syndicates controlling the flow of booze during Prohibition were cut off from their profits when the distribution of liquor was returned to legitimate businesses, the same can happen with our very few illegal drugs.

Legalization is a viable alternative. It has a historical precedent in the ending of Prohibition but often gets dismissed as the notion of radical pot smokers.

There is an organization comprised of former (and current) criminal-justice professionals raising a voice against the war on drugs. I am a member of Law Enforcement Against Prohibition, and I stand proud with the others who've served on the front lines of the drug war.
 
 

'Simple. Call them terrorists'

Witness the recent press release from an outfit called "Americans for American Energy," based in Golden, Colo. At issue was the leasing of the Roan Plateau in western Colorado for oil and gas drilling. This is a wonderful place for wildlife, but part of the plateau was originally set aside as a Naval Oil Shale Reserve by President Woodrow Wilson. At that time, and even today, there was no economical way to extract petroleum from oil shale, so control of the land passed from the Navy to the U.S. Department of Energy and then to the federal Bureau of Land Management.

Lots of people including local ranchers and hunters oppose drilling on the Roan Plateau. They worked through the system to protest, writing letters, speaking out at public meetings and lobbying their elected officials. They did nothing violent or destructive. But the press release from Americans for American energy denounced them as "economic terror groups — eco-terrorists" who had "launched an attack against the U.S. Naval Oil Shale Reserve," thereby "weakening American security, right when we are in the middle of a war."

~ more... ~

 

Russia steps up destruction of chemical weapons

Russia will open a new facility on Tuesday to continue destroying its formidable arsenal of chemical weapons, the world's biggest, as part of its drive to eliminate all such weapons by 2012.

Located near Leonidovka in the central Penza region, around 550 km (350 miles) southeast of Moscow, it is the sixth of seven such facilities Russia plans to build.

Russia and its Cold War-era foe the United States held more than 71,000 metric tonnes of deadly chemical agents in 1997, more than 90 percent of the world's chemical weapons stockpiles. Russia's arsenal alone stood at 40,000 tonnes.

Under the 1997 Chemical Weapons Convention, Moscow and Washington committed themselves to completely destroy all their stockpiles of chemical weapons by 2012.

The new Leonidovka facility holds 6,885 metric tonnes of VX, sarin and soman nerve agents, about 17 percent of Russia's declared chemical weapons stockpile.

~ more... ~

 

'Doomsday arrived at 2 a.m. on December 11, 1974'

Unprecedented honours were bestowed upon U Thant when he became the first person to lie in state at the UN Headquarters, his body being on view for 24 hours. The UN flag was flown at half-mast and an emergency meeting was postponed for 24 hours in honour of U Thant.

The Burmese people were extremely proud of U Thant and when his remains were flown in from New York on December 1, 1974, a huge throng packed Rangoon's Mingaladon Airport to receive the casket. There were U Thant's relatives, foreign diplomats, students, monks, and laymen. However, the people who were most conspicuous by their absence were the high-ranking members of the regime which rules U Thant motherland.

Murmurs of indignation and shock rippled through the crowd over the apparent discourtesy. There were soon to find further evidence that the regime does not intend to give more than a perfunctory treatment to the remains of this illustrious son of Burma, and that the much-expected state funeral would never materialise.

In stark contrast to the unprecedented honours received at the UN.U Thant's body lay under a hastily built pavilion in the middle of a dust-blown, sun-scorched suburban field which was formerly the Rangoon Turf Club. It is now called the Kyaikkasan Grounds and is used as an assembly site for government-engineered rallies. With a " guard of honour ", consisting of a handful of callous Red Cross youths, U Thant's remains had lain for four days at the kyaikkasan Grounds during which time thousands of people, including diplomats, had flocked to this distant field to pay their respects. December 5, 1974 was marked for U Thant's funeral and internment at the Kyandaw cemetery, about four miles to the west.

By that day, students from Rangoon's colleges, universities and institutes had formed funeral committees and approached bus associations for hire of buses to accompany the funeral cortege. They were, however, courteously informed by the bus operators that the regime had expressly forbidden them to hire any buses in connection with U Thant's funeral.

Undeterred by this, the students then decided to rally at the Rangoon Arts & Science University (RASU) for a long trek to the Kyaikkasan Grounds. Students form various colleges, institutes and universities poured into the RASU campus amidst cheers and there were fresh bursts of cheers and elation when the Rangoon Institute of Technology students appeared on the scene with a few old Dodge Jeeps and loudspeakers.

This gathering has significance for the students. It was the first time that the students had assembled in thousands since the Ne Win regime dynamited the Students' Union building on the campus on July 7, 1962, killing scores of students who were at the building. Many more were mowed down by machine guns when the march towards the Ktaikkassan Grounds. Through the loudspeakers, the students announced to the huge crowd of people who lined the route; "Dear respected elders, we, the students, are on our way to pay our tribute and accompany our beloved U Thant' the Architect of Peace, on his last journey."

The sympathetic crowd cheered the students and many were busy providing refreshments to the marching students. Shortly past noon on December 5, 1974 the students arrived at the Kyaikkasan Grounds and stood at attention on the dusty ground in the sweltering heat. The student representatives from each Institute laid their wreaths and paid their respects to U Thant's remains. The students then stood at attention while Buddhist monks began chanting prayers and performing other funeral rites.

The burning heat and the dust-swept shelter-less atmosphere had, however, served only to intensify the gnawing dissatisfaction and resentment against the shabby and perfunctory treatment meted out to U Thant's remains by the "regime". "Why, why," they thought, "could the authorities not accord U Thant's state funeral?" Whispered consultation was taking place among the student leaders and the public sensed there was tension in the air.

The staid and mournful atmosphere suddenly shattered when the students shouted: "A mausoleum for the Father of Peace, that's our goal." The students had decided to take matters into their own hands to give their beloved U Thant a funeral befitting a world's statesman and an illustrious son of Burma.

Using the loudspeakers, mounted on the Dodge Jeep, as their command post, the students requested everyone to leave the pavilion. The students then streamed into the pavilion and took their position around the casket. Through the loudspeaker, they announced to the public that they were going to take U Thant's casket to the Rangoon Arts & Science University campus and built a "Peace Mausoleum", for U Thant.

In order to request permission from U Thant's relatives, his elder brother U Khant was invited to confer with the students' representatives. U Khant, however, cautioned the students against taking any rash action and urged the students not to antagonize against the Government. Meanwhile there were clamours from the students and the public to escort the body to the University. U Thant's casket then passed from shoulder to shoulder and lain atop the roof of a Toyota pick-up truck draped with wreaths. The procession led by students and Buddhist monks then wound its way to the University grounds.

U Thant's casket was taken to the Convocation Hall of the university and placed on a dais where monks chanted prayers and students kept a vigil over the remains. The sprawling campus was filled with a sea of humanity as people from all over the city came to pay their respects to U Thant. Outside the Convocation Hall, the students took turns atop a bonnet of a car to deliver "Hyde-park style" speeches against the regime.

"They call it democracy, but what they are actually doing benefits only a single party". "On behalf of the people who are now facing hunger and privations, we, the students, would like to ask the Government, please care to look down from your heights. Do not ignore the people's suffering and waste your time in buying cars and building bungalows for yourselves."

A young college girl ended her speech with these words "I am deeply moved and overwhelmed by this opportunity to exercise the democratic freedom of speech. Should I be imprisoned for opening my heart to the injustices perpetrated by the regime, then so be it. I would then take consolation in the fact that I shall at least be assured of regular meals in the future."

The huge crowd gave repeated and thunderous ovations as speaker after speaker stepped onto the makeshift podium, announced their names and the institutes of learning they belong to, and proceeded to roundly denounce the Government. The people had finally found a voice which echoed their feelings they had never dared to express.

They listened with awe and fear to the winds to speak on behalf of the down-trodden and pathetic masses who had for thirteen long years suffered unwonted hardships, privations and oppression at the hands of a tyrannical regime. Old wounds, which had never healed during these miserable years, opened anew and held profusely as workers and people from all walks of life joined the students to express their sufferings.

Meanwhile, the students had formed an "ad hoc" funeral committee and announced to the public that they had sent a letter to the Government demanding a state funeral for U Thant and that if no reply was received by 4 p.m., the students, with the help of the people, would make their own funeral arrangements and build a "peace" mausoleum for U Thant. The speakers then resumed their "Hyde-Park" style speeches keeping one eye on the clock. This was on December 6, one day after U Thant's remains were brought to the University.

When the deadline approached and the students found that the Government had turned a deaf ear to their demands, the students become more determined to go ahead with their plans. Suddenly, the university campus bustled with a hive of activity. While speeches continued inside the Convocation Hall where U Thant's body lay in state, scores of students were clearing the site of the dynamited old Students' Union building where the mausoleum was to be built. Rangoon Institute of Technology students went to work drawing designs for the mausoleum and donations were being solicited from willing donors who, in many cases, took off their necklaces, rings, bangles and other valuable personal taken from the university library extension site, were being passed from hand to hand to the mausoleum site.

The extent of public sympathy was most touchingly demonstrated when an old lady, her face wrinkled with age and her body frail and bent, nevertheless insisted that she be allowed to carry a brick to the site as a token of merit. Public support did not end there either. Thousands of food parcels were donated by all and sundry, even from those who could hardly afford two square meals a day for themselves. There was one food parcel which contained all that the poor donor could afford; a bundle of cooked rice and a single banana. The students were deeply moved, but, nevertheless, ate the meal heartily.

At the Mausoleum site, bleary-eyed architectural and engineering students worked day night to keep construction work rolling. At the Convocation Hall, a student suicide squad with red headbands kept vigil. There were also combined teams of students and people vigilantes' at all strategic places across the campus. A few government spies were detected and were bashed up by the students. In the meantime, more food parcels came pouring in to provide nourishment for the weary and exhausted students. Some of the parcels bore leaflets stating: "Young brothers, we believe and appreciate that what you are doing is just and right. Do keep up the good work right to the end." In the satellite city of Okkalapa, about 6 miles from downtown, the people put a police station, which had been repeatedly harassing a citizen committee collecting food parcels from sympathetic residents from the area, on the torch.

On December 7, 1974, U Thant's relatives invited representatives from students and monks for a meeting. There were seven student's representatives, two monks, U Thant's younger brother U Thaung, and U Thant's son-in-law, Dr. Tin Myint Oo. During the meeting Thant's brother produced a letter from the Government agreeing to provide an alternative site for U Thant's Mausoleum. The site was to be at the Cantonment Garden, near the famed Shwe Dagon Pagoda.

He also said that the Government had agreed not to take any reprisals against the students. However there was no mention of the demand made by the students for a state funeral for U Thant. U Thaung also urged that funeral rites should begin next day at noon. U Thant's son-in-law said that he had already drawn plans for a mausoleum and asked for co-operation from students.

The participants then agreed to decide by a majority decision on two alternative courses of action:-

1. Whether to inter U Thant's remains at the Cantonment Garden after a temporary lying-in-state at the Peace Mausoleum,

2. Whether to go ahead with the internment at the peace Mausoleum which was nearing completion.

From the meeting, it transpired that; out of eleven participants, seven of them, including U Thant's relatives, two monks' representatives and three student's representatives had agreed to the first point. Therefore the majority decision prevailed, and the Government announced that U Thant's remains would be interred at the Cantonment Garden.

The four dissenting students felt that the wish of the majority of students and people were for the second proposal and, judging from later events, they apparently felt the pulse of the people and students correctly.

At 12 noon on December 8, 1974 tens of thousands of people converged on the university campus and thousands more lined the route leading to the Cantonment Garden. However there were other developments taking place on the campus.

As agreed, U Thant's casket was taken from the Convocation Hall to the Peace Mausoleum where U Thant's relatives and the general public paid their last tribute. After this an announcement was made over a loudspeaker that the casket would be escorted to the Cantonment Garden for burial. Immediately this was announced, a loud roar comes from the student body enjoining: "Please do not remove U Thant's remains from the campus. Then from the public side, came an equally response concurring with the wishes of the students.

As a result, U Thant's remains were interred at the Peace Mausoleum and a large UN flag was draped over it. At this a deafening cheer erupted from everyone present and the cry: "Victory, Victory" echoed across the campus.

That night, the state-owned Burma Broadcasting Service denounced the students for reneging on their agreement and declared that the students had gone against the wishes of U Thant's relatives.

Further, it charged that the students had illegally used the government's construction materials and that the People's Construction Corporation had lodged a complaint with the police and asked the government to take action against the students. Furthermore, the radio said, the university authorities had also lodged a complaint against the unauthorized use of the University site to build the mausoleum. Thus, the legal groundwork was laid for government action in the language of an authoritarian regime; this means nothing less than the use of battle-hardened soldiers, machine guns, armoured cars and bayonets.

After the radio announcement, the students tightened their vigilance Student suicide squads kept vigil near the mausoleum. They were joined by Buddhist monks, male and female university students and member of the public who where ready to sacrifice their lives and waited for Doomsday. But it never came…..at least for the next two days. Thus, the weariness and exhaustion during the past four hectic days made them relax their vigilance and produced an illusion that things were going well in their favour. But unknown to them, Ne Win's forces were surreptitiously and systematically at work for a bloody reprisal.

There was a two-day lull and during this time state-owned newspapers and the radio kept up a constant barrage of denunciations against the students. More ominously, the military and its intelligence arms, the Military Intelligence Service, quietly and systematically cordoned off the area around the campus but out of sight of the students. No one was allowed to enter the area and everyone trying to leave the area was intercepted and questioned.

Doomsday arrived at 2 a.m. on December 11, 1974. A huge road building machine ( some witnesses described it as an excavator) smashed the university's massive iron gate and battle-ready troops and police stormed onto the campus with bayonets bared and lobbing canisters of tear gas. With the monster machine serving as a juggernaut, a detachment of troops made their way to the mausoleum while the rest the army personnel used force to round up each and every person found on the campus.

The scene at the mausoleum was even more violent and tragic. The soldiers bayoneted everyone who stood in the way trying to prevent the giant machine from smashing the mausoleum to exhume U Thant's remains. Some brave hearts, including girl students, clung to the tomb as the machine's jaw close in on the tomb, only to die a horrible death. Blood flowed freely around the tomb of this gentle, soft-spoken man who had abhorred violence and who had devoted so much of his life to the prevention and cessation of violence.

Fleets of army trucks were brought in and the dead and wounded students, monks and laymen alike were flung callously onto the trucks and carted away. Those not injured, were herded onto the coverless trucks and made to squat [while guards] stood at each corner of the truck, their machine guns pointing at the hapless prisoners in a scene reminiscent of war movies. The scene lasted until eight o'clock in the morning when the last of the detainees were taken away to the Insein Jail, six miles from the scene of carnage.

The same day, as word spread around Rangoon of the massacre and the desecration of the mausoleum, emotions ran wild among the populace spawning violence and destruction in its wake. The people, who had lived in an atmosphere of frustration and subdued anger, gave vent to their feelings and violence spread across the length and breadth of Rangoon. Their first targets were, naturally, the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) unit offices, which were the symbols of the much-hated regime. Next to this came other state-owned buildings, such as cinemas, police stations, a confectionery, and other state-owned buildings. All were smashed up or put to the torch.

As expected, retaliation came swift and sure, and with predictable savagery. The sound of G-3 machine gun fire echoed across the city as thousands of soldiers, mostly from minority indigenous races were unleashed on the defenseless public.

~ Full article ~

Monday, June 16, 2008

Sibel Edmonds Case: More Destruction of Evidence re Nuclear Black Market

 
It's remarkable, really.

The US government has taken some extreme measures to silence former FBI translator Sibel Edmonds. Among other reasons, they are obviously very nervous about information that Sibel has regarding the involvement of US, Israeli, and Turkish officials in supplying the nuclear black market.
 
 Now we have this: The US Government apparently demanded that the Swiss government destroy all evidence - all 30,000 pages of it - related to the pending prosecution of the Tinner family. The Tinners were "very key suppliers" of AQ Khan's nuclear proliferation network, but their court case is now unlikely to proceed, given the destruction of the evidence.

Basic Facts
The Tinners, the father and two sons, were arrested by German authorities and extradited to Switzerland in 2004 for their role in supplying the A.Q. Khan nuclear proliferation network.

Two weeks ago, the Swiss President, responding to media reports, read out a prepared statement announcing that all the evidence relating to the Tinners' case was destroyed late last year. He said that it was important to destroy all the evidence, which included sensitive information about how to make nuclear weapons, in case the information fell into the hands of terrorists. He also stated that Switzerland was merely meeting its obligations under the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty and that the IAEA supervised the destruction of the documents.

That sounds reasonable.

The Questions
Unilateral Decision Making. The Swiss government is
under pressure internally as a result of its unilateral decision to destroy the evidence. Both the parliament and the courts are accusing the Swiss government of violating the principle of Separation of Powers. The Parliament has already announced that it will hold an investigation into the matter.

Why the Secrecy? The announcement that the evidence was destroyed (6 months ago) was forced on the Swiss President by rumours in the media. The Swiss government refuses to answer any questions regarding the matter, as do the IAEA and the US government.

NPT Obligations? I haven't seen any media report which confirms or supports the Swiss claim that this destruction of evidence was an obligation under the NPT. However the Guardian, which has the
best reporting on this story, quotes a 'former senior IAEA official' saying: "I am quite astonished. It's very unusual to see people destroying documents like this. They should be put somewhere very safe."

The destruction of evidence took place with the apparent imprimatur of the IAEA, but they refuse to comment too. Has the IAEA been corrupted too?

US Involvement
Virtually every media article about this matter - including those articles preceding the official announcement - notes the strong suspicion that the Swiss Government acted on behalf of the US Government, specifically the CIA. The Guardian has the
details:
"While the Swiss government maintains the treasure trove of nuclear intelligence was destroyed for reasons of national security, the Americans may have been involved because Tinner is believed to have also been working for the CIA. Albright said Tinner was recruited by the American agency from 1999-2000.

"The Swiss were doing other people's dirty work," said an international official familiar with the investigation into the Khan network. "The allegation is that Urs (Tinner) was on the CIA payroll for a very large sum of money."
[...]
The Americans were also present (at the destruction), according to the international official. "The Americans were involved in the destruction. They were calling the shots," he said.
[...]
Had the evidence been presented in court, compromising and embarrassing information about the CIA's activities with the Khan network could have surfaced, say experts and officials. "
Time Magazine has a more benign take on the reasons that the CIA might have wanted the evidence destroyed:
"The official stonewalling has fueled speculation that the United States, and specifically the CIA, has pressured the Swiss government to destroy the documents to aid its own efforts to stop nuclear smuggling, whatever the effect on the Tinners' trials. (emphasis mine)"
One item that I have not seen mentioned in any of the recent press reports is that the US government actively hindered the Swiss investigation into the Tinners for at least 18 months. In May 2006, former weapons inspector David Albright testified in Congress that the US government had been stonewalling the Swiss investigation:
"The U.S. Government Needs to Cooperate With Swiss Prosecutions of the Tinners.

Although the focus today is on Pakistan and unanswered questions about the Khan network, the United States has been remiss in assisting the overseas prosecution of key members of the Khan network. The United States has ignored multiple requests from Swiss prosecutors for cooperation that have extended over a year.
[...]
The (Swiss) Office of the Attorney General is disappointed over this matter. It is difficult to understand the actions of the U.S. Government. Its lack of assistance needlessly complicates this important investigation.
[...]
The United States should respond to the Swiss requests for assistance as quickly as possible. To continue to ignore these requests undermines the vital prosecution of key members of the Khan network and risks undercutting support for Swiss cooperation in non-proliferation matters. In addition, I find this lack of cooperation frankly embarrassing to the United States and those of us who believe that the United States should take the lead in bringing members of the Khan network to justice for arming our enemies with nuclear weapons."
In an interview on Democracy Now a week later, Albright said that he finds the US stonewalling "disturbing and perplexing," "mystifying" and "embarrassing as an American," adding:
"The signal (the U.S. government is) sending is that it doesn't want the Swiss to prosecute these three people, and yet they provide no reason for that."
Albright's perspective certainly add some important context to the allegations that the US government pressured the Swiss to destroy the Tinner files in order to prevent a public trial - and all that might entail...

Secrecy
The Tinner case brings to mind the Sibel Edmonds case, in terms of the underlying issues, the secrecy, and the destruction of evidence.

One of the key issues in Sibel's case is the involvement of American, Turkish and Israeli officials in supplying the nuclear black market, including the so-called AQ Khan network. See the UK's Times' "For sale: West's deadly nuclear secrets:
Edmonds described how foreign intelligence agents had enlisted the support of US officials to acquire a network of moles in sensitive military and nuclear institutions.
[...]
Her story shows just how much the West was infiltrated by foreign states seeking nuclear secrets. It illustrates how western government officials turned a blind eye to, or were even helping, countries such as Pakistan acquire bomb technology.
In order to keep this information from becoming public, Sibel's case has been swept under the blanket of secrecy by the invocation of the State Secrets Privilege.

Destruction of Evidence
In a subsequent article, The Times also reported that the FBI "has been accused of covering up a file detailing government dealings with a network stealing nuclear secrets." The case file, 203A-WF-210023, was known to exist, but the FBI now denies that it exists. The question at the time was whether the FBI was lying about the existence of the file, or whether the case file, which contained all the evidence of a multi-year counterintelligence investigation, had been destroyed. I had been leaning toward the option that the FBI was hiding the existence of the file, but given that the US government has apparently been able to orchestrate the destruction of evidence in the Swiss Tinner case, it's easier to imagine that they could, and would, destroy their own case file.
 
Tenuous Justifications
The main argument for the destruction of the Tinner evidence is that it had to be destroyed in case the nuclear blueprints somehow got into the hands of terrorists or rogue states. This is obviously a worthy objective, however:
a) Copies of the exact same information are known to exist elsewhere, and is suspected to be on the Khan network computers in Dubai.
b) There is no indication in any of the media reports that any effort was made to destroy only the sensitive information while maintaining the evidence required to prosecute the Tinners.
c) The US (and UK) allowed the network to proliferate nuclear hardware and nuclear know-how for years without apparently being concerned about the fallout. Why the concern all of a sudden with the Tinner case?

The Times
accurately described how the US has ignored proliferation for years, without any apparent concern:
"The wider nuclear network has been monitored for many years by a joint Anglo-American intelligence effort. But rather than shut it down, investigations by law enforcement bodies such as the FBI and Britain's Revenue & Customs have been aborted to preserve diplomatic relations."
 In Sibel's case, the FBI watched while the network delivered nuclear product not only to their acknowledged end-customers, but also while freelancers within the network made copies of the information stolen "from every nuclear agency in the United States" and sold it to the highest bidder. There's no indication that the US government did anything to stop the flow of any of this information at the time, but rather went to extraordinary lengths to ensure that Sibel's knowledge of these events did not become public. Similarly, people at the Pentagon and State Department were able to ensure that the honest counterintelligence agents at the FBI were prevented from moving forward on any of their multi-year investigations that had discovered all of these nefarious activities.

After all this, we are now being asked to believe that the destruction of evidence in the Tinner case is to prevent secure information from getting in the hands of terrorists? Please.

Where is the Media?
One other similarity between Sibel's case and the Tinner case is the absence of the US mainstream media. The Tinner case broke on May 23. The Guardian
article was on May 31. The US media has been completely AWOL on this story, apart from a single AP story that ran in some venues on May 23. UPI ran a short article based on the Guardian story, and Time ran an article on June 3. The New York Times hasn't run a single article on the story.

The silence (
1,2) is baffling.

Summary
The US government has done just about everything it can to ensure that Sibel Edmonds is prohibited from spilling the beans on what she knows about the nuclear black market, among other things. Now we see the hand of the US government apparently reaching into a foreign democracy, exporting the concept of the 'unitary executive' and upsetting the balance of powers, to destroy evidence which was to be used to prosecute crimes involving the spread of nuclear weapons to rogue regimes.

The US government had previously demonstrated that it didn't wanted to prosecute these crimes, therefore their flimsy ex-poste rationales for destroying the evidence, in secret, need to be held up for extra scrutiny.

What's going on???

------------------------

Crossposted at
Let Sibel Edmonds Speak

For more background on Sibel's case and the nuclear black market, see my "Sibel Edmonds Case: Nukes for sale (Pt 2)" and "Sibel Edmonds Case: Benazir and The 'Islamic' Bomb"
 
 


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