Alyssa McDonald 
 7 Nov, 2008  
 Top Bolivian politician Silvia Lazarte  talks about her role in reforming the South American country in the face of  bitter internal opposition and US interference
 The battle to reform Bolivia faces  resistance at every turn
 For a politician whose country is wracked by  such violent unrest some commentators predict civil war, Bolivia's Silvia  Lazarte is surprisingly positive about her nation's prospects – steely, even, in  her insistence the outlook is good. 
 As one of the most senior politicians in the  ruling party, MAS (Movimiento al Socialismo, or Movement towards Socialism),  Lazarte is understandably keen to emphasise the widespread support enjoyed by  Bolivian president, Evo Morales.
 At a referendum held in August, she points  out, he won 67 per cent of the vote. 
 But, equally, the division and dispute at  the heart of Bolivian politics are clear when she speaks about the government's  right wing opposition.
 "These are people who never accepted their  downfall in the last elections, who don't accept that they were kicked out of  power. They were used to being in control and being in power and ignoring the  people," she tells me when we meet at the New Statesman's offices in  Victoria.
 The most recent illustration of the  opposition's refusal to submit came on 11 September this year, when at least  fifteen people were killed on their way to a pro-government rally in the  northern region of Pando. 
 Bolivia's political polarisation is matched  by its shockingly wide poverty gap: despite rich reserves of oil, natural gas  and minerals, it is one of Latin America's poorest countries.  
 Most of the country's resources are  concentrated in a few wealthy lowland regions in the east known as the "Half  Moon", which are largely populated by a European-descended elite.  
 However, the majority of the population –  about two-thirds – belong to Bolivia's 36 indigenous peoples and live at  subsistence level in the country's more mountainous, western regions. The  current constitution ignores both women and the indigeous  peoples.
 So as the president of the Constitutional  Assembly, Lazarte's importance to Morales's socialist reforms is clear.  
 She has led the drafting of the charter –  expected to pass into law when it is put to a referendum in January next year.  
 The new constitution aims to improve the  living standards for the indigenous population by redistributing profits from  the gas fields in the east of the country. 
 Like Morales, Lazarte is herself an  indigenous Bolivian, and she arrives for interview in full traditional dress:  layered skirts, a narrow-brimmed white hat and an almost neon-bright patterned  shawl. 
 For a Brit used to the funereal gloom of  Western political fashions, her colourful appearance gives an immediate  impression of flamboyance, but in her choice of words, of course, Lazarte is no  less calculating than a British cabinet minister would be.  
 Her comments on the new constitution are  unequivocal: "It is inclusive. That is the most important thing about the  constitution, that everybody is taken into account," she explains, her  expression completely neutral. "The rights of women ... the indigenous, first  peoples of Bolivia, all the ethnicities, languages, these are all recognized."  
 What she glosses over though is the response  from the right wing, which has been vehement, sustained and extremely violent:  the incident in Pando is only the most recent in a series of anti-government  gestures which have erupted repeatedly in the two years since the Assembly was  first created. Five of the wealthy regions have also voted for greater autonomy.  
 However, Lazarte is adamant that the  situation has started to improve in recent months. "There really isn't as much  division now. We got through this with the formulation of the constitution - the  writing of the constitution was everybody's work. The government had their  representatives there [on the Assembly] and in congress just like the opposition  did." 
 The MAS government has made several major  concessions in order to secure a date for the referendum, including an agreement  that the president, Evo Morales, must only seek one more term in office.  
 Surely this suggests that the opposition has  retained its ability to strongarm the government? Lazarte insists not: "the  right wing has recently lost a lot of power, it's fighting within itself."  
 Her view stems from the aftermath of the  killings in Pando. Leopoldo Fernandez, Pando's regional governor, has been  jailed and stands accused of hiring hitmen to kill farmers on their way to a  pro-government rally. 
 There is also an investigation looking at  "the broader network" of regional governors and civic committee members who may  have been involved in the killings. 
 As a result, she says, several suspects  appear to have fled: "Branco Marinkovic, who is a key figure in Santa Cruz  politics, apparently is no longer in the country, according to the information  we have. Ruben Costas, who is the prefecto [regional governor] of Santa Cruz,  apparently left, went to his hacienda and is not at large." Lazarte does admit  though that there are "a few other groups around the place", such as the Santa  Cruz Youth Union, who have been implicated in violence, but as the investigation  is ongoing, will not go into further detail.
 The US has also waded into this strained  relationship. Concerned by Morales' warm relationships with Cuba's Fidel Castro  and Venezuela's Hugo Chavez and his support for coca-leaf growers, whose crop is  important both culturally and for the Bolivian economy but also provides the raw  material from which cocaine is produced, the US has never been supportive of  Morales. 
 In 2005 the then US ambassador warned that  if Morales was elected, Bolivia would lose Washington's financial support and  goodwill.
 Last month his successor, Philip Goldberg,  was expelled after holding meetings with opposition politicians including Ruben  Costas. Morales accused Goldberg of "seeking the division of Bolivia".  
 "The US ambassador was constantly meeting up  with the right wing," Lazarte claims. "What happened with the ambassador from  the United States was that instead of complying with Bolivian law and Bolivian  policies, he decided to conspire against the government, and the Bolivian people  will not accept that.
 "What the Bolivian people don't want are  impositions. We don't like it, we never will like it, and we won't allow it."  
 She claims that, along with Leopoldo  Fernandez' arrest, his expulsion was "significant" in weakening the right wing,  although Morales clearly didn't feel Goldberg's ejection was enough: just days  ago he also suspended the activities of US drug enforcement agency, accusing its  agents of working "to conduct political espionage and to fund criminal groups"  involved in anti-government protests.
 In this context, Lazarte's calm assurances  that Bolivia has a united, peaceful future ahead of it - "we are now in a  process of consolidation and achieving more consensus every day" - seem less  than reliable. 
 With Fernandez in jail and the US presence  in Bolivia weakened, the dangerous minority of right-wingers appears to have  been brought under control for the meantime. But it is unlikely that the US will  stop meddling in the country's affairs as long as Morales is in power; and how  the right wing will behave as the referendum draws closer still remains to be  seen. 
 Republished from New  Statesman
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