Tuesday, January 11, 2011
Petrochemicals: The Cathedrals of the Desert
Greece 1981
Directors: Stathis Katsaros - Giorgos Sifianos
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The Legal 'Raping' of President Katsav
According to (an anti-Catholic tirade by) Barry Chamish:
   
Unlike the "experts" who say the conviction of ex-Pres. Katsav was a  "victory" for Israeli justice, I actually looked at the notes from his  trial. It is what is missing that stands out:
   
                 There are no rape kits.
                 There is no semen or DNA proof.
                 There are no professionals like doctors or police sex crimes experts.
                 There are no rape victims testifying in open court.  Those prosecution witnesses testifying in closed court are not  identified.
                 There is no physical evidence such as Katsav's hair or clothing.
                 There was no lie detector test of Katsav.
                 No victim went to the police after being raped. The  police opened an investigation years after the alleged crimes allegedly  took place.
   
All, I mean all, that convicted Katsav were the testimonies of the  victims and they were full of holes, often, in fact, not believable. One  "victim" claims to have been raped in Katsav's office. Having,  apparently, enjoyed the experience, she was raped long after, in  Katsav's hotel room.
   
Katsav claimed he was being framed and turned down a simple way out of  jail. He would resign the Presidency after confessing to some minor  charges. He rejected the deal and chose to be exonerated in court.  No  one guilty would take this route.
   
All signs point to Katsav being railroaded because the Israeli justice system is "victoriously" handpicked to be a rigged joke.
   
If you accept any or even, all, of my observations, then you must ask, who wanted Katsav out of the Presidency?
   
**
AND if you are reluctant to change your point of view, stop here and  delete the rest. If you want, at least, to see the background of  Katsav's railroading, keep reading even if you won't believe it.
   
**
Katsav was the second President in a row to resign in scandal. Recall  that before the last Presidential election, the President, Ezer  Weizmann, was forced to resign because of gift-taking from the Geneva  millionaire, Edouard Seroussi. I noted that Shimon Peres was about the  only politician who knew European shenanigans. And I added, Peres WOULD  run for President. I was right  about that. Where I blew it is that  Peres would lose the vote to Moshe Katzav. In any SECRET vote, Peres'  enemies will express themselves. A third of his Labor Party allies voted  against him.  And thus, Katzav became the secret and sworn enemy of  Shimon Peres. He doomed himself.
   
But Peres first concentrated on a new challenge, becoming the Labor  Party leader. In November '05, Peres lost again when Amir Peretz  defeated him to become the Labor leader. Peres was again rejected by his  own party. Peres now had two enemies to bring down to further his  ambitions. And he got them both when the Lebanon War of '06 broke out on  July 12.
   
Incredibly, the next day's first headlines were not of the new war, they  were of rumors concerning Katsav's alleged rapes. For 33 days, Defense  Minister Amir Peretz's unspeakable mishandling of the war pushed Katsav  off the front page. This is not the place to discuss IDF C-O-S Dan  Halutuz working with Peretz to keep infantry out of the war and thus  prevent any chance of victory. Someday we'll discuss who Halutz was  really taking his orders from.
   
On August 25, Israel agreed to ceasefire talks in Rome which led to an  85% Catholic force called UNIFIL, keeping the peace between Israel and  Hizbullah. On the same day, Israel Police opened its investigation of  Moshe Katsav for serious sexual crimes.
   
~ more... ~
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Tobias Churton - The True Story of the Rosicrucians
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The Terminator Scenario: Are We Giving Our Military Machines Too Much Power?
By Ben Austen, Popsci
         
          Last August, U.S. Navy operators on the ground lost all           contact with a Fire Scout helicopter flying over Maryland.           They had programmed the unmanned aerial vehicle to return to           its launch point if ground communications failed, but instead           the machine took off on a north-by-northwest route toward the           nation's capital. Over the next 30 minutes, military officials           alerted the Federal Aviation Administration and North American           Aerospace Defense Command and readied F-16 fighters to           intercept the pilotless craft. Finally, with the Fire Scout           just miles shy of the White House, the Navy regained control           and commanded it to come home. "Renegade Unmanned Drone           Wandered Skies Near Nation's Capital," warned one news           headline in the following days. "UAV Resists Its Human           Oppressors, Joyrides over Washington, D.C.," declared another.
         
          The Fire Scout was unarmed, and in any case hardly a machine           with the degree of intelligence or autonomy necessary to wise           up and rise up, as science fiction tells us the robots           inevitably will do. But the world's biggest military is           rapidly remaking itself into a fighting force consisting           largely of machines, and it is working hard to make those           machines much smarter and much more independent. In March,           noting that "unprecedented, perhaps unimagined, degrees of           autonomy can be introduced into current and future military           systems," Ashton Carter, the U.S. undersecretary of defense           for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics, called for the           formation of a task force on autonomy to ensure that the           service branches take "maximum practical advantage of advances           in this area."
         
          In Iraq and Afghanistan, U.S. troops have been joined on the           ground and in the air by some 20,000 robots and remotely           operated vehicles. The CIA regularly slips drones into           Pakistan to blast suspected Al Qaeda operatives and other           targets. Congress has called for at least a third of all           military ground vehicles to be unmanned by 2015, and the Air           Force is already training more UAV operators every year than           fighter and bomber pilots combined. According to "Technology           Horizons," a recent Air Force report detailing the branch's           science aims, military machines will attain "levels of           autonomous functionality far greater than is possible today"           and "reliably make wide- ranging autonomous decisions at cyber           speeds." One senior Air Force engineer told me, "You can           envision unmanned systems doing just about any mission we do           today." Or as Colonel Christopher Carlile, the former director           of the Army's Unmanned Aircraft Systems Center of Excellence,           has said, "The difference between science fiction and science           is timing."
         
          We are surprisingly far along in this radical reordering of           the military's ranks, yet neither the U.S. nor any other           country has fashioned anything like a robot doctrine or even a           clear policy on military machines. As quickly as countries           build these systems, they want to deploy them, says Noel           Sharkey, a professor of artificial intelligence and robotics           at the University of Sheffield in England: "There's been           absolutely no international discussion. It's all going forward           without anyone talking to one another." In his recent book           Wired for War: The Robotics Revolution and Conflict in the           21st Century, Brookings Institution fellow P.W. Singer argues           that robots and remotely operated weapons are transforming           wars and the wider world in much the way gunpowder,           mechanization and the atomic bomb did in previous generations.           But Singer sees significant differences as well. "We're           experiencing Moore's Law," he told me, citing the axiom that           computer processing power will double every two years, "but we           haven't got past Murphy's Law." Robots will come to possess           far greater intelligence, with more ability to reason and           self- adapt, and they will also of course acquire ever greater           destructive power. So what does it mean when whatever can go           wrong with these military machines, just might?
         
          I asked that question of Werner Dahm, the chief scientist of           the Air Force and the lead author on "Technology Horizons." He           dismissed as fanciful the kind of Hollywood-bred fears that           informed news stories about the Navy Fire Scout incident. "The           biggest danger is not the Terminator scenario everyone           imagines, the machines taking over—that's not how things           fail," Dahm said. His real fear was that we would build           powerful military systems that would "take over the large key           functions that are done exclusively by humans" and then           discover too late that the machines simply aren't up to the           task. "We blink," he said, "and 10 years later we find out the           technology wasn't far enough along."
         
          Dahm's vision, however, suggests another "Terminator           scenario," one more plausible and not without menace. Over the           course of dozens of interviews with military officials, robot           designers and technology ethicists, I came to understand that           we are at work on not one but two major projects, the first to           give machines ever greater intelligence and autonomy, and the           second to maintain control of those machines. Dahm was worried           about the success of the former, but we should be at least as           concerned about the failure of the latter. If we make smart           machines without equally smart control systems, we face a           scenario in which some day, by way of a thousand           well-intentioned decisions, each one seemingly sound, the           machines do in fact take over all the "key functions" that           once were our domain. Then "we blink" and find that the world           is one we no longer are able to comprehend or control.
         
          ~ more...           ~
         
      
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