The MOBE is predicting thousands of young mainstream "Clean for Gene"  supporters of anti-war presidential candidate Eugene McCarthy will descend on  Chicago, while we Yippies use the underground press to try and attract  countercultural youth with an imaginary scheme to put LSD in the drinking water.  This act, FYI, is physically impossible; given the amount of LSD needed to make  any difference. I know, I once put hundreds of packets red dye in the reflecting  pool in Washington DC to protest the war and it just dissipated. 
 For the sake of historical accuracy, I will also disclose that we Yippies  claim we're going to fuck on the beaches and burn Chicago to the ground. Ok, so,  this sounds a little over the top threatening, but why would anyone in their  right mind actually take Yippie seriously? 
 Mayor Daley is not a Yippie.
 Nor is FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover.
 By the time we roll into town, police forces from all over the state have  been brought in, the cops are wired, the National Guard is mobilized, and  tension is extremely high. Stew always believed that Mayor Daley, a Democrat,  was set up by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to overreact to our Yippie  exaggerations, so Americans would watch approvingly on television as hippies and  anti-war demonstrators are rightfully put down and Richard Nixon gets elected as  a law and order candidate.
 Which is, in fact, what comes to pass. Mayor Daley denies all permits. 
 In fact, six months before the Convention, Mayor Daley had issued a "shoot to  kill" order for demonstrators. 
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 The problem for them was that they underestimated us.  We were  frightened but despite our fears we persisted.  They may have thought their  threats before the Convention would deter us.  They were wrong.  They  may have thought the first round of tear gas would deter us.  They were  wrong.  They may have thought the first cracked head would stop us.   They were wrong.  We would not be turned back. 
 It was an amazing few days and a yippie's delight in the sense that we were  always out to capture the media's attention and in this case we did.  The  media reported the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, because  they found themselves at the end of the same billy clubs and tear gas as  we.  Even reporters as respectable as Dan Rather were attacked by the  cops.  They were not embedded journalists.  For that moment in time  there seemed to actually be a free press!  One reporter is quoted as  saying, "This whole thing has moved me so far left, I can see the back of my  head."  
 The long-term impact of Chicago 68 has been much debated.  There are  many layers to such an analysis and that is not the subject of this piece.   But there is no doubt that Chicago 68 became an iconic moment in American  history. 
 As I write this there are people outside both Democratic and Republican  conventions chanting, "Let's recreate 68."  Of course history cannot be  recreated.  These are very different times.  But let's hope the  determination to be part of a worldwide process for peace and justice  persists.
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 Chicago 10 is a cleverly conceived, if at times disappointingly realized,  attempt at historical narration that strives to deliver a contemporary  resonance. The most affecting piece of the film comes from the longest  uninterrupted archival footage, which shows Chicago police wading into streets  jammed with demonstrators with clubs and fists raging wildly. The tear gas  residue, the carnal brutality at the hands of the state, and the transparently  false statements by elites justifying their savagery will be familiar to anyone  who saw footage from the 2008 Republican National Convention protests. And in a  frightening example of history's repeating cycle, eight protest organizers  arrested during the recent protests now face up to seven and a half years for  conspiracy charges amplified by Minnesota's version of the Patriot Act.  Yesterday's allegation of communist subversion is today's terrorism enhancement  charge. 
 Yet with a different political climate and a different convention protest,  the Minnesota 8 trial, should it come to that, will hardly resemble their  Chicago forbearers. In providing a representation both romantic and convincing,  Chicago 10 shows that "state of mind trials," as Hoffman described the  conspiracy, are corrupt forms of theater. Perhaps the best advice from that  trial for thinking about the current one comes not from Hoffman but Dellinger.  In his pre-sentencing statement, which he quotes in his memoir, From Yale to  Jail, Dellinger said "I think I shall sleep better and happier and with a  greater sense of fulfillment in whatever jails I am in for however many years  than if I had compromised, if I had pretended the problems were any less real  than they are, or if I had sat here passively in the courthouse while justice  was being throttled and the truth was being denied. I salute my brothers and  sisters in Vietnam, in the ghetto, in the women's liberation movement, all the  people all over the world who are struggling to make true and real for all  people the ideals on which this country was supposed to be founded, but never,  never lived up to."
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